A machete-wielding robber, a woman giving birth on a roadside, and a flood of water symbolizing Victoria's projected $199 billion debt are among the AI-generated images flooding social media less than 100 days from the state election. The ads, produced by groups called Fix Victoria and Better Victoria, outspent major parties and candidates on Meta and Google platforms in August, yet the financial backers remain hidden due to a loophole in Victorian electoral law.
Fix Victoria spent just under $100,000 on ads in August, roughly a quarter of all election-related social media spend, according to tracking by agency Populares. Better Victoria spent about $40,000. Together, they outspent the Liberals, teal independents, and One Nation on those platforms. Fix Victoria also ran a television ad during the AFL wildcard final on Channel Seven on 28 August.
Who runs the groups
Fix Victoria is run by former senior staff from the conservative Institute of Public Affairs. Corporate filings show it was registered in early August by Deborah Henderson, the IPA's deputy executive director until June. Its communications director is Andrew Hudgson, who held a similar role at the IPA, and its head of advocacy is Gideon Rozner, who spent six years at the thinktank. Rozner said in November he was rejoining the Liberal party to support new leader Jess Wilson, but declined to confirm his current membership status when asked.
Rozner describes Fix Victoria as "issues-driven, not politics-driven," focused on crime, corruption, and debt. These three issues mirror opposition talking points. "Victoria's tsunami of debt steals resources from policing so organised illegal tobacco criminals are making billions, recruiting vulnerable kids and making our streets unsafe," one 30-second ad states. Rozner said the group has "invested considerable resources to ensure strict compliance with all relevant laws."
Better Victoria was formed a month after Fix Victoria. Its secretary is Ronald Holzer, a Melbourne lawyer who said he holds only an administrative role. An unnamed spokesperson declined to identify who runs the organization but said it "has obtained independent legal advice regarding its activities" and is confident it complies with electoral laws. Both groups say their donors will remain private.
The legal loophole
Victoria's electoral laws require third-party campaigners to register and disclose donors only if their ads specifically promote or oppose a party or candidate. Groups that avoid naming parties or candidates fall outside this definition. Catherine Williams, executive director of the Centre for Public Integrity, said Victoria's laws are narrower than federal equivalents. "Unless an entity meets the definition of third-party campaigner, no disclosure obligations apply," she said.
Clancy Moore, chief executive of Transparency International Australia, said Fix Victoria's ads are "clearly trying to influence voting" even though the group does not meet the legal threshold. "There is a long history of third-party and fake grassroots campaign groups exploiting loopholes in electoral laws to try to influence elections," Moore said.
The advertising strategy
Ed Coper, an advertising executive who worked with Climate 200 and teal candidates, said the content mirrors professional political messaging. "The actual content of their advertising is very, very similar to the way that a political operative will message during an election campaign," Coper said. His agency's data shows the two groups dominated social media election spend in August.
Fix Victoria's ads use AI-generated imagery to dramatize crime and debt scenarios. Better Victoria's ads pit Labor's Suburban Rail Loop against investment in roads, schools, and hospitals. Neither group names a party or candidate in the ads themselves.
Why this matters for government, marketing, and communications professionals
The campaign shows how third-party groups can deploy six-figure ad budgets with AI-generated creative and zero donor disclosure, all while staying within the letter of state electoral law. For communications and public affairs teams, it signals that election ad wars are shifting to entities that operate outside traditional party structures and disclosure regimes. Marketing professionals should note the rapid production cycle: Fix Victoria began recruiting paying members in May, registered in August, and dominated ad spend within weeks. The speed and opacity of the model make it a template worth tracking for anyone managing political risk, brand safety, or public-sector reputation.
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